Ross concludes his list with the following entry:

4th. For various reasons, therefore, we and many others here are of opinion, that Lord Selkirk’s object was the good of the natives, and theirs alone. What else could it have been? It was not territorial acquisition: that the Company had already. It was not the exclusive right of trade: that they had already. It was not to relieve a redundant population, for that relief was but small; nor could it have been for the bubble reputation. No: he had purer motives. The only prominent objection we have to Red River Colony in a local point of view is its proximity to the boundary line on the south, and his lordship was too clear-sighted not to have foreseen, that eventually it might fall into the hands of the Americans, and should it not, the only outlet for its resources must be south, and not north. Beyond what the Company might require, its market, in the nature of things, must be south also. Hence it is quite evident that his lordship’s motives must have been what we have stated; namely, the civilizing and evangelizing of the natives: so that into whatever hands its government fell, he would have attained his end. For its value to Great Britain, if we except the interest of the Hudson’s Bay Company, was, and ever must be, small indeed; nor could the Americans expect to benefit much by it, either in a political or commercial point of view. The fears of the North-Westers were fully realized, the anticipations of the Hudson’s Bay Company fully borne out by the result, for the colony has become a nursery for its retired servants; but as to Lord Selkirk’s view of benefiting the Indians, forty years’ experience has proved it, as we shall hereafter be able to show, a complete failure.

~ Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement, p. 18-19.

If only Ross had given the colony another 20 years! He would have seen how wrong in several respects his conclusion was.

J. M. Bumsted, in his recent biography of Thomas Douglas, the Fifth Earl of Selkirk, talks a lot more about the Earl’s ideas on American expansion and the importance of Red River in countering U.S. expansion into what was in his time HBC territory. And one only needs to look at what happened to Britain’s claim to what is now Washington State and Oregon to see how important his foresight was!

The amalgamation of the HBC and NWCo. probably would have happened anyway, if either were to survive the depletion of fur stocks in the west. In fact, it was likely a hostile take-over planned by Sir Alexander Mackenzie of the North West Company with the aid of Lord Selkirk that brought the Earl into the Hudson’s Bay Company in the first place (Bumsted, Lord Selkirk: A Life. pp. 171-2)!

As for the retirement community theory, well, who were the ‘Canadians’ but the Métis families of French Canadian fur traders and bois brulés? They were settling at least part-time in the area already! So the colony was only giving structure to a population already in place to some degree, and augmenting its population. Yes, it was meant to re-enforce the HBC charter claims to an area already overrun by the NWCo. The HBC was fighting for survival, just as was the NWCo. This was undoubtedly a means of strengthening the HBC claim and lowering their operating costs.

At the same time, this goal could be achieved by aiding a population in dire need of assistance – the evicted highland tenant farmers. This is where Selkirk really failed, I think. He had plans to bring over a great many more Scots than he actually managed to transport to Red River. The shortfall was in part due to the machinations of NWCo. partners and their propaganda; and the dithering of English politicians, who also were under the influence of NWCo. propaganda, on the subject of Selkirk’s emigration proposals. The colony also lost large numbers of its colonists to migration after NWCo. interference; mismanagement of the colony and its interests by Selkirk’s officials; and floods, droughts and grasshopper plagues; and Selkirk’s premature death among other things. I’m not even sure that the failure was Selkirk’s. The idea was a good one. The timing could have been better, perhaps. But how could anyone have known that!

Ross, to the best of my knowledge, never met Selkirk. He was not an eyewitness to any of the colony’s earliest history – he was one of those retired HBC servants with a First Nations family, who had been working in the Columbia District first for the NWCo., then the HBC, prior to joining the colony in 1825 (Frits Pannekoek, Ross, Alexander. Canadian Encyclopedia). He was one of the colonists who fought hard for a Presbyterian minister, and was very active in the Presbyterian Church at Kildonan as an elder, once it was established. A good portion of his book deals with civilizing the Natives of Rupert’s Land, a process Ross tends to equate with conversion to Christianity. It was a cause that he seemed very concerned with, himself….

The third of Selkirk’s supposed motives in Ross’ list leaves me scratching my head a bit.

3rd. The next statement, in our opinion, contains his lordship’s real object, the pious and philanthropic desire of introducing civilization into this wilderness. Being a pious man himself, he felt for others. His lordship knew from long experience, that poverty and degradation were making long and rapid strides in Rupert’s Land; that the wild animals of the chase had almost ceased to exist there, in sufficient numbers, at least, to feed and clothe the aboriginal inhabitants of the soil – not that such numbers had been extirpated by the natives themselves, but by the destroying hand of civilized man. It was now, in this point of view, drawing towards the eleventh hour, when it was high time for them, not only to cultivate the ground, whereby they might live, but prepare to cultivate the mind also, as the test of their improving condition, spiritually as well as temporarily. To this end, the preparatory step with his lordship was a colony, as a nucleus or rallying point in the wilderness. The object, then, was a laudable and charitable one, strictly in accordance with the character of such a man as Lord Selkirk – a man of a great mind and a good heart – and also in accordance with the spirit of the Company’s charter.

~ Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement, p. 18.

There is undoubtedly something of Selkirk in this motive, but I can’t help feeling, as I read it, that this is more Ross’ ideal than his lordship’s. Selkirk was very much a philanthropist and a humanist, a fact that the previous two listed motives and people who uphold them tend to overlook.

Perhaps I am mistaken – there is so much material on Selkirk and the Settlement that I have yet to read! – but I think Selkirk’s main focus was on helping his fellow Scots/Europeans establish themselves sufficiently. His piety, or lack of piety doesn’t strike me as remarkable or overt. Was he pious? I think he had First Nation interests in mind to a greater degree than others planting colonies, certainly, but I’m not sure that ‘civilizing’ them was a major concern. Was it? As for the bison, certainly Selkirk’s officers saw them as a ready and plentiful food source for the colony. Did Selkirk himself worry about a radically declining bison population? Perhaps those of you who have read more widely can offer some comments!

The second in Ross’ list of reasons Selkirk had for establishing the Red River Settlement fits hand in glove with the first. Considered together, these motives set an image in the mind’s eye of a greedy British aristocrat, sitting in his counting house, rubbing his hands in glee as the gold pours in. And a lot of people still see the Fifth Earl of Selkirk in that light. But I will get to that later…

2nd. Another strong reason for establishing Red River Colony has been stated; for with reference to these matters, we must regard Lord Selkirk and the Hudson’s Bay Company as one, their interests being blended together. It is not, perhaps, generally known, that all dormant or retiring partners, and others leaving the service from time to time, carry off to other countries large sums of money, over which the Company could no longer have any control: with the view, therefore, of preventing this money from going out of the country, the Company, by means of their sub-monopolist, Lord Selkirk, founded the colony in question; that by means of it, all, or the greater part of such retiring partners and others, especially those having Indian families, – and they are many [Ross himself is an example from this group], — might be induced to settle there in preference to going home to their own countries, as being more congenial to their past habits of life. The Company well knew that a colony planted in the bosom of their own trade, must in the nature of things be more or less dependant on them for its supplies…

~ Alexander Ross, The Red River Settlement, p. 17.

Ross explains that their were advantages to the company in this arrangement. All the money that was currently leaving the country with retiring servants would now be recirculated through the HBC. The HBC would also have access to all the surplus produce from the farms of the colonists to supply their outposts – with more reliability and a great savings from having to ship the like over from England or Canada! Colonists would also have a ready market for their surplus despite their remote location.

If we think about the advantages for a minute, we see that, even if this is Selkirk’s main reason for creating the colony, the situation at Red River is very much what we today would call win-win.

Some retirees did take their families back to Scotland or Orkney with them, but often they went home alone, or with select children to educate, perhaps to keep in Scotland, perhaps not. For some this would be very difficult – starting a new life in a world they had been long removed from. Their native wives may not have wanted to leave their families and homeland forever, so refused to leave for Britain with their husbands. They may not have understood that their men were leaving for good.  They often were not given a choice. The men would certainly understand that removing their native families to Britain could give rise to some very difficult situations. Some of the HBC servants might even have had families back home already!

For those men who had come to love the rugged life they’d lived during their employment in North America, though, the Red River Colony would offer them the opportunity to remain at least somewhat immersed in it, to keep the families they’d begun, and to live comfortably on their own land – something they might not have been able to do back home. All they needed to do was talk to some of the newly arrived employees to know that life in the highlands of Scotland (and elsewhere) was rapidly changing, and not to the advantage of the common folk. Remaining in Rupert’s Land opened a whole new realm of opportunity to them and their families.

We need to consider, also, what the colonists themselves had in Scotland. Yes, they were given the option of relocating to small plots to eek their livings, or to fish…. But they were tenant farmers, not fishermen. And those plots of land? Well, at Badbea, for example, the livestock and children had to be tethered often to keep them from blowing over the cliffs and into the sea. There was little if any soil for gardening there. Life was extremely bleak. Come to Red River, and they would eventually own their own land, have a ready market for their produce and a fresh start. I know which option I would choose!

So, certainly, the HBC and Selkirk had something to gain if things went as anticipated with the colony. But in a way, the colonists gained much more.

A few more Rindisbachers related to the RRS:

Métis Family ca. 1826 (Bata Shoe Museum P80.982)

Chippewa mode of traveling in spring and summer by Peter Rindisbacher c. 1825 (Virtual Museum of Canada; West Point Museum Art Collection)

Settlers at Red River, early 1820s. (Canadian Heritage Gallery) This drawing depicts a Swiss immigrant wife, husband and two children, a German, a Scots Highlander, and a French Canadian

Peter Rindisbacher was the first artist of European descent to portray the First Nations people of the Great Plains. He was meticulous in recording the detail of their garb and ornaments, and was recorded as painting very accurate likenesses, also.

The Artist was a Young Man shows some of his earliest portraits, those he executed of Inuit people encountered at various points along the Colonists’ northern sea route. Even as a teenager he was able to capture facial expressions and details in the unique clothing in the short time he was able to meet these people. Having attempted the same in art classes where the model was actually posing for a portrait, I can vouch for this being a tremendous skill (one I did not excel at, I might add)!

Rindisbacher’s scenes were portrayed by someone who had obviously been there and studied carefully the means, attitudes, apparel, and environment of the people he painted.

A Labrador Eskimo in a sealskin kayak, c. 1821 (Canadian Heritage Gallery)

Inside an Indian tent 1824 (National Archives of Canada)

Indian hunters pursuing buffalo in the early spring ca. 1822 (National Archives of Canada)

The expedition began to go downhill for Donald Gunn once they arrived at Lake Manitoba. He developed a skin infection that painfully affected his eyes. On the third day, the group turned south, heading home to the RRS. They were near the south shore of Shoal Lake when the heavens opened, and they were forced to set up camp beneath the carts. The rain was intense, and they feared a lightning strike to the carts, caught as they were on the open plains. Everything, including the specimens, was thoroughly soaked.

At daybreak they hitched up and moved out. By 8 o’clock they had reached the big beach ridge, and the sun had begun to peek through the clouds. But the cart-trail was in bad shape, covered in water in many places. Everyone was worn out from the journey and lack of sleep the previous night, and Gunn was very ill – almost blind and in great pain.

They spent another night on the trail; this time sleep came easily. The rain had missed the area covered in the last stage of their journey and the roads were much better. So was Gunn, after a good night’s sleep.

Gunn concludes his report with more information on the inhabitants of the villages located south of Lake Manitoba: Oak Point, the Bay, and a new village under construction at the time.

These peoples are like the fowls of heaven; they “neither sow nor reap,” nor do they even, as far as I have been able to see, plant potatoes. They possess a few cattle and horses; the latter roam through the woods summer and winter, living independent of their masters’ care. The finest of hay grows within a few yards of their houses, yet I have been informed that many of these people are so indolent as to allow their animals to die in the winter from starvation. There are two or three exceptions to the above rule. The question will naturally arise, how do people so bound down by indolence procure food and clothing? …I said above that the lake abounded with fish. As soon as the thaw commences the fish forsake the deep places to which they resorted as the winter advanced, and swarm towards the shore, and run into the many little creeks that pass out of the marshes into the lake. Here they are taken in nets and by angling from the beginning of April until the breaking up of the ice in the latter end of May, and for some time after continue plentiful until the water in the lake becomes warm, when the fish return again to the deep places. In April the ducks and geese return in great numbers, become plentiful, and feed in numerous flocks in all the marshes fringing the lakes for at least a month and a half….

While the fish and wildfowl can be had these people enjoy a continual feast; and when these fail, [musk]rats, which have been taken in great numbers for some years past are considered desirable articles of food; even when plenty reigns in the land the [musk]rat furnishes them not only with food but with the means of providing themselves with clothing. …When all the wild fowl have taken to their breeding places the people have a hard struggle for dear life against hunger, which compels them to search along all the lakes and marshes for eggs, and for every other eatable that falls in their way; and during the month of July and part of August they suffer much privation of food, unless possessed of means to enable them to draw on the settlement for flour; but when the young ducks begin to take to their wings and the fish begin to approach the shore, they are able again to set hunger at defiance for a time. …Another trait of these people of primative habits and manners is, that, although occupying these villages for a long time, they have neither president, council, nor magistrate, and I never heard of any crime of any kind being committed by any of them except once, and that was a case of manslaughter which arose out of undue provocation.

The agricultural life that was so familiar to inhabitants of the RRS was something very foreign to the First Nations/Métis cultures of the area, although some archaeological evidence exists that shows that some did practice a rudimentary form of agriculture, and others took it up with some success after the settlers arrived. Neither Donald Gunn nor Alexander Ross could get their minds around the cultural difference, and both explained it away as a form of laziness or living for the moment – an incapacity to prepare for the time when food was scarce. Agricultural methods need to be learned, and the time for learning them happened to coincide with the times of plenty – when food in the wild was easy to gather, and must be gathered!

The expedition members rise the next morning and spend the day travelling toward Shoal Lake. On the way they meet the Indian man of the day before and a Métis woman who is returning to Oak Point with a load of pine planks that were likely made in the saw-pits of the Red River Settlement. Gunn remarks that she

can, with wonderful dexterity, avail herself of all the resources of the forest and the lake. Here she made a few snares, chased the rabbits into them, and in a very short space of time had a number of them boiling and roasting, and after hunting, cooking and eating her dinner, was ready to start as soon as any of us.

He describes geographical and geological features he sees along the route, including two ridges that he assumes to be old beaches of Lake Winnipeg, but which may have been far more ancient beaches of Lake Agassiz.

By evening, the party has reached Shoal Lake.

As we passed along the lake, I observed a stone pillar, or cairn, formed of small granite boulders thrown loosely together, and on inquiry of my companions from the lake “What mean ye by these stones?” I was informed, here in 1843, in passing from Red River to Manitowaba to establish a mission among the natives, the Rev. Abraham Cowley and party passed their first Sabbath in the wilderness, and these stones were set up to commemorate the sermon preached on the occasion.

On the third day of the expedition, a First Nations man informs them that the route they plan to take is boggy and completely unsuitable for their ox-carts. When they reach this reputedly quagmirish portion of the way, Gunn discovers that the man was misinforming them, “only showing the Indian jealousy of intruders on their hunting grounds.”

[T]he morning of the 10th [of June, 1867,] …I left home accompanied by two men, two oxen in two carts, carrying a birch-bark canoe and our baggage. We plodded on through “mud and mire,” travelling very slowly a distance of 15 miles on the public road to the Frog plain, where we turned off to the plains, taking the road leading to Shoal lake in a northwest direction. Soon after we entered on the plain we halted to allow our animals to feed and to refresh ourselves. While here we were joined by an Indian, his squaw, and their son. These people had been to the settlement with their spring trade. They had two carts, and were taking back, in exchange for their furs, flour, clothing and ammunition. This Indian resides in a house at Oak Point, and is reputed to be the best hunter in that district, which fact accounts satisfactorily for his comparative wealth. After a short stay we resumed our journey, which was continued until dark, making a distance of six miles from the settlement. We camped on the plain, and, after the usual preliminaries of cooking and supping, laid down to rest under a cloudless sky, and slept soundly until sunrise of a clear day.

- Donald Gunn

Although Donald set out at 10 a.m., and travelled ’til dark during one of the longest days of the year, he didn’t seem to make much progress, assuming that the settlement he refers to is the Red River Settlement (it could be Oak Point…).

There are some contributing factors to his lack of speed that must be considered.

Oxen are not noted for their speed. But travelling by Red River Cart would not be speedy even with the best and fastest horse pulling! The cart was made of wood – perhaps some iron fittings on the wheel and axle, but possibly not. As the wheel turned on the axle, the friction built up heat. It was necessary to stop frequently to grease the wheels/axle with animal fat to keep the wheels turning smoothly and the wear on the wheels/axle to a minimum.

Also, the settlement boundaries were some distance from the actual built up areas of it, so one could travel a fair distance before being out of the settlement boundary.

The comment about the First Nations man’s wealth got me thinking a bit, too. This journey occurred before the treaty and the native people were still mostly nomadic. A man of this race with a house may still have been quite unusual, although Peguis had encouraged his band to settle and take up agriculture to some extent. This man also had not one but two carts (and thus also two oxen), which may have been more widely associated with the Métis and European settlers. Many settlers may have had only one! And those carts were full of valuable merchandise – which would have taken a significant number of pelts to buy!

Sent a boat with five men to Gibralter to bring down Cameron, Seraphin and Hess, with all the Arms and ammunition at that place- they arrived about 9 O’clock a.m. when Cameron began ardently to solicit for his liberty- really the Hero’s of last spring cut a pitiful appearance.- I was as much ashamed of their meanness in adversity; as shocked at their former arrogance in prosperity- having called in a number of the Colonists and Indians,- I thus addressed the prisoners.-

“Gentlemen the cruelty with which you exercised the power that intrigue and force placed in your hands last spring deserves greater punishment than I am willing ro inflict, I gave you to understand on my arrival in this country that I was prepared either for Peace or War- you seem from your conduct at Qu’Appell to have preferred the latter, which has placed you in your present situation,- but to see what effect a generous action will have on you- you shall be released and put in possession of your Fort on the following mild conditions.- 1st That an Express be sent of to Qu’Appell to put a stop to the violent measures of your Mr. McDonnell- 2ly That you will not either directly orindirectly attempt to seduce any Emigrants that the Earl of Selkirk has, or will in future send to this country.- these points being agreed to, I took Cameron back and placed him in his post- when I took my leave of them I observed “Gentlemen you know me of old! should you fail in any of the points you have agreed to, rest assured that I will always have it in my power to remedy the Evil.-

-  Colin Robertson’s Journal

(reference: pages 17424-5 of the Selkirk Papers, M186, Manitoba Archives)

Note – The events of the spring to which Robertson refers include the harrassment of settlers and HBC servants and officials and the burning of the Colony by NWCo. servants, and Duncan Cameron’s (and other officials of the NWCo.) coercement of the settlers into deserting the colony. 140 settlers were carried of in the NWCo. canoes to Upper Canada in June.

Colin Robertson was a member of the North West Company earlier in his career, but left it in 1809.

This morning when I was sitting at breakfast planning in my mind how I should take posession of Gibralter- my servant informed me that Messrs. McLean and Bourke were bringing Cameron and Seraphin prisoners to the Fort- I was rather surprised when I found this to be the case- which placed me in a very critical situation – as I was afraid the alarm was given at Gibralter- Cameron immediately began with his usual phrases of British liberty and free born Englishmen he then asked me, what I intended to do with him- I answered that he must in the first place deliver up all the arms he had belonging to the Colony- before I could hear any proposition regarding his liberty- to this he agreed- when I ordered twelve men under the command of Mr. McLean to take Mr. Seraphin to Gibralter, and there receive all the Arms belonging to the Colony, – but I gave Mr. McLean secret instructions- that the moment the gates were opened to take posession of Gibralter and hold the same until I gave him further orders- this he accomplished in a masterly manner- as soon as the Indians learned what was going on- they took up arms and came to our assistance.- another proof of the attachment of these Indians to the Colony, is that a number were present at the seizure of Cameron- and altho’ that person was nearly an hour a prisoner at Fort Douglas- Hess who was in charge of Gibralter was a perfect stranger to what had happened, until Mr. McLean informed him after the seizing of the Fort, I then sent over Cameron with an escort to Gibralter where he is to be prisoner all night.- I have ordered Messrs. McLean and Bourke to pay every attention to the prisoners- and respect to be paid to private property.- I mean to give Cameron his liberty tomorrow as I have not the means to send him off another thing I am not inclined to carry things too far untill I hear from York,- I shall lower his consequence a little- this is necessary for the safety of the Colony- he shall send an Express immediately of to Qu’Appell to put a stop to hostilities there, – I will remove all the Arms in his Fort to this place, until tranquility is established in that quarter.- these are points I will insist upon.

-  Colin Robertson’s Journal

(reference: pages 1722-4 of the Selkirk Papers, M186, Manitoba Archives)